Thai Political Milestones, no. 5:‘Three-finger’ Protests

In the days following the 22nd May 2014 coup, demonstrations at Victory Monument in Bangkok were initially tolerated by the junta, though by June of that year, police were being stationed at likely venues to pre-empt any potential protests. Opponents of the coup turned to symbolic acts such as the three-finger salute from the Hunger Games film series, briefly disrupting a speech by coup leader Prayut Chan-o-cha on 19th November 2014.

The protest movement was revived in February 2020, with ‘flash mob’ demonstrations on university campuses following the Constitutional Court’s dissolution of the Future Forward party. Future Forward’s progressive policy platform had received overwhelming support from younger Thais eager for structural change, and the party’s abolition was seen as a return to the status quo.

The first mass protests took place on 18th July and 16th August 2020, when more than 10,000 people attended rallies at Democracy Monument organised by Free Youth. Lawyer Arnon Nampa led a smaller protest there on 3rd August 2020 (the so-called Harry Potter rally). A week later, at a Thammasat University protest organised by United Front of Thammasat and Demonstration, student Panusaya Sithijirawattanakul read out a ten-point manifesto calling for greater oversight of the monarchy.

The movement increased in popularity and momentum, and tens of thousands of people attended an overnight rally at Thammasat on 19th September 2020. On 14th October 2020, protesters marched from Democracy Monument to Government House, and the government declared a state of emergency in Bangkok.

Protesters regrouped at Ratchaprasong on 16th October 2020, and riot police used water cannon to disperse them. Further mass rallies were held later that week, including at Victory Monument on 18th and 19th October 2020. Water cannon was used again on 8th November 2020, when protesters marched from Democracy Monument to the Grand Palace.

Tensions increased on 17th November 2020, when riot police used water cannon laced with tear gas to prevent protesters from entering parliament. The demonstrators breached the barricades, and were met by a royalist counter-protest. Gunshots were fired, and projectiles were thrown by both sides. More violence occurred a week later when a ping-pong bomb was thrown at protesters outside the Siam Commercial Bank headquarters.

Free Youth rebranded as REDEM (Restart Democracy), and organised a march from Victory Monument to the Viphavadi Rangsit Road military barracks on 28th February 2021. Protesters threw rocks and other projectiles at the police, who deployed tear gas and water cannon against them. The police also fired rubber bullets, in a significant escalation. There were injuries on both sides, and a police officer suffered a fatal heart attack.

Rubber bullets were also used to disperse protesters at Sanam Luang on 20th March 2021, outside Bangkok’s Criminal Court on 2nd May 2021, and at Democracy Monument on 18th July 2021. In August 2021, there were almost daily clashes near Viphavadi Road between between riot police and the radical Thalufah protest group, with rubber bullets being fired on 7th, 10th, 11th, 13th, 15th, and 16th August (when a teenager was tragically hit by a live bullet).

The three-finger campaign is the latest in a series of protests that have epitomised Thai politics over the last fifty years. Some — in October 1973 and May 1992 — resulted in dozens of casualties, though ultimately led to democratic reforms. Others — in October 1976 and May 2010 — simply ended in tragedy. Perhaps the most successful, on their own terms, have been the yellow-shirt and ‘Shutdown Bangkok’ campaigns, both of which followed the same playbook and achieved the same result (a military coup).

Ultimately, the three-finger protests did not achieve their objectives, and their leaders are now either behind bars or living in exile. But the impact of the 2020–2021 protests can be measured by the changing attitudes of younger people towards traditional national values, and by the increasing popularity of the ‘orange movement’ in recent elections.

Thai Political Milestones:

• no. 1: ‘Black May’
• no. 2: 14th October 1973
• no. 3: 6th October 1976
• no. 4: Yellow-shirts v. Red-shirts

Prawit Wongsuwon:“Give me a chance to be the number one...”

Prawit Wongsuwon, leader of the Palang Pracharath Party, has pressed criminal charges against a TV presenter in relation to leaked audio clips that were broadcast on Channel 9 last week. The charges were filed at Huamak police station yesterday on Prawit’s behalf by Palang Pracharath secretary-general Paiboon Nititawan.

Danai Ekmahasawat played four clips, all featuring a man who sounded like Prawit, on his Inside Thailand (เจาะลึกทั่วไทย) show on 11th September, and a fifth clip two days later. In the first recording, the man says: “I’ve been a deputy and worked for the Prime Minister for a long time. I’ve made many accomplishments, and now I want the people to give me a chance to be the number one.” (Prawit was deputy PM under Prayut Chan-o-cha for nine years; his party was excluded from the governing coalition last month.)

When the clips were broadcast, Palang Pracharath initially dismissed them as AI deepfakes, though the charges filed yesterday seem to be a tacit admission that they are genuine. Prawit is suing for defamation and illegal distribution of a wiretapped recording, though only the “give me a chance to be the number one” conversation is cited in the police complaint.

ใช้แล้ว ใช้อยู่ ใช้ต่อ(‘I’ve used it, I’m using it, I’ll keep using it’)

Later this week, Bangkok University will be screening a programme of short films that reappropriate found footage. The ใช้แล้ว ใช้อยู่ ใช้ต่อ (‘I’ve used it, I’m using it, I’ll keep using it’) programme includes Chulayarnnon Siriphol’s ANG48 (เอเอ็นจี48) and Kanyarat Theerakrittayakorn’s Develop Viriyaporn Who Dared in Three Worlds (เจริญวิริญาพรมาหาทำใน 3 โลก).

ANG48 reuses scenes from the classic romance Sunset at Chaophraya (คู่กรรม), creating a new backstory for that film’s heroine. It has also been shown this year as part of the Short Film Marathon (หนังสั้นมาราธอน) and Wildtype 2023, and at last year’s Shadow Dancing exhibition.

Develop Viriyaporn Who Dared in Three Worlds features clips from short films by the mysterious and elusive Viriyaporn Boonprasert, and interviews with young Thai directors, one of whom may or may not be the face behind Viriyaporn’s pseudonym. It has previously been shown at Wildtype 2022.

ใช้แล้ว ใช้อยู่ ใช้ต่อ will take place at the Surat Osathanugrah Library (at the university’s Pathum Thani campus) on 24th November. Its title is a pun on “ทำแล้ว ทำอยู่ ทำต่อ” (‘I’ve done it, I’m doing it, I’ll keep doing it’), Prayut Chan-o-cha’s campaign slogan in this year’s election.

Prayut Chan-o-cha:“I am announcing my retirement from politics...”

Prime Minister and coup leader Prayut Chan-o-cha has confirmed that he will leave politics once a new Thai government has been formed. He released a statement yesterday saying: “I am announcing my retirement from politics and resigning as a member of the United Thai Nation Party”. Prayut has dominated Thai politics for almost a decade, though his party won only thirty-six seats in this year’s election. A parliamentary vote will take place tomorrow to select his successor, though the front runner, Move Forward leader Pita Limjaroenrat, is facing suspension as an MP pending a ruling by the Constitutional Court on a legal technicality.

Prayut declared martial law on 20th March 2014, which was unconstitutional as only the monarch has the prerogative to invoke martial law nationwide. At the time, he claimed that “[t]he invocation of martial law is not a coup d’etat”, though he launched a coup two days later. He was appointed Prime Minister by the rubber-stamp National Legislative Assembly established by the junta, and gave himself absolute power under article 44 of the interim constitution. Prayut’s party lost the long-delayed 2019 election, though he was reappointed as Prime Minister thanks to the votes of the senators his junta had selected.

Thai prime ministers are limited to two terms — or eight years — in office, and last year the Constitutional Court ruled that Prayut had served as PM for only five years rather than eight, thus enabling him to remain in power. (The court’s verdict discounted his first three years as PM, before the new constitution came into effect.) But in his resignation statement yesterday, Prayut said: “Throughout the past nine years as Prime Minister, I have dedicated myself to the benefit of the beloved people”, confirming that, in fact, he had exceeded the two-term limit.

Beyond Red and Yellow: A Thai Politics Primer

Thailand has been in a state of political crisis for almost twenty years: a cycle of protests and military interventions, dominated by a populist politician (Thaksin Shinawatra, who won an election landslide in 2001) and a military dictator (Prayut Chan-o-cha, who led a coup in 2014 and remains Prime Minister). A new exhibition — Red, Yellow and Beyond — provides a photographic record of the last two decades, and the following is a concise guide to the major political events of this turbulent and polarising period.

Thaksin won an unprecedented second election victory in 2005, though protests against his administration began when he sold a stake in his Shin Corp. company to Singaporean company Temasek in 2006. His government had increased the legal limit on foreign ownership of telecom firms to enable the Shin sale, and changed the tax code to avoid paying any duty on the deal, a manipulation of the law for personal gain. The anti-Thaksin campaign disrupted the 2006 election, which was invalidated by the Constitutional Court.

The 2006 Coup and the People Power Party

Thaksin was deposed by a military coup in 2006. The junta drafted a new constitution, which was endorsed in a referendum. Whereas the previous 1997 ‘people’s charter’ had created a democratically elected Senate, under the new constitution only 50% of senators were elected and the remainder were appointed. Thaksin’s Thai Rak Thai party was dissolved by the Constitutional Court in 2007, and he was later convicted of corruption.

If the coup had been designed to eradicate Thaksin’s political influence, it was unsuccessful, as he formed the People Power Party as a proxy for Thai Rak Thai. The PPP won the 2007 election, though its leader Samak Sundaravej was disqualified from politics by the Constitutional Court on a technicality in 2008. Thaksin installed his brother-in-law, Somchai Wongsawat, as PPP leader to replace Samak, leading to a revival of the yellow-shirt People’s Alliance for Democracy anti-Thaksin campaign. The PAD occupied Bangkok’s airports and government buildings, and the Constitutional Court dissolved the governing PPP to appease the PAD protesters.

The Democrats and Pheu Thai

The court’s verdict created a power vacuum, and the military brokered a coalition between the opposition parties, led by Abhisit Vejjajiva’s Democrats, to form an unelected government. This prompted violent protests by the pro-Thaksin, red-shirt United Front for Democracy Against Dictatorship in 2009. Thaksin’s assets were frozen by the Supreme Court at the start of 2010, triggering UDD protest rallies. UDD protesters were brutally massacred by the military, and almost 100 people were killed.

Pheu Thai, another of Thaksin’s proxy parties, won the 2011 election, and Thaksin’s sister, Yingluck Shinawatra, became Prime Minister. Yingluck announced plans for an amnesty that would have quashed Thaksin’s corruption conviction. This sparked protests by the People’s Democratic Reform Committee, which — following the PAD playbook — quickly gathered steam. The PDRC blocked candidates from registering for the 2014 election, and sabotaged the election itself. The election was nullified by the Constitutional Court, and a rerun was scheduled for later that year. Yingluck was removed as PM by the Constitutional Court after an investigation into nepotism charges (and subsequently fined, impeached, and convicted of dereliction of duty — in absentia — in relation to her government’s rice subsidy scheme).

The 2014 Coup

After Yingluck’s removal from office in 2014, the military imposed martial law and launched another coup two days later. Progressive politicians, including Yingluck, were detained, and protests were suppressed. After coup leader Prayut was appointed Prime Minister, sporadic anti-government demonstrations by young protesters began. Martial law, which had deterred widespread protests, was repealed in 2015. The junta rewrote the constitution in 2016, increasing proportional representation (to prevent another populist landslide) and reverting to a fully appointed Senate. The new charter, which was endorsed in a referendum, also gave senators a vote on who would become prime minister.

After numerous delays, an election was finally held in 2019. Another of Thaksin’s proxy parties, Thai Raksa Chart, audaciously nominated Princess Ubolratana as its candidate for prime minister in the election. On the same day, King Rama X issued a statement forbidding her from running for office. After this dramatic royal intervention, Thai Raksa Chart was dissolved by the Constitutional Court. Although Pheu Thai won the most seats in the election, Prayut was reinstated as Prime Minister.

From Future Forward to Move Forward

The current student-led protest movement began in 2020, following the dissolution of the Future Forward party by the Constitutional Court. Protest rallies organised by Free Youth and the United Front of Thammasat and Demonstration were held at Democracy Monument and Thammasat University, and riot police used water cannon to disperse protesters at Siam Square. In 2021, more radical protest groups such as REDEM (a rebranding of Free Youth) and Thalufah organised regular demonstrations near Victory Monument, and riot police began firing rubber bullets at the demonstrators.

Future Forward, previously led by Thanathorn Juangroongruangkit, was relaunched as Move Forward. As a popular alternative to the Thaksin-affiliated Pheu Thai, it may split the opposition vote in this year’s upcoming election, though a progressive coalition is also a possibility. Move Forward leader Pita Limjaroenrat is currently being investigated for ownership of shares in iTV, even though the TV station ceased operations in 2007. (Thanathorn was disqualified as an MP for ownership of media shares in 2019.)

A constitutional amendment in 2021 slightly reduced the impact of proportional representation on the election results; this may benefit larger parties such as Pheu Thai. A few months before the election, Prayut joined a new party, United Thai Nation, after a rift between him and his deputy, Prawit Wongsuwon (rumoured to be the mastermind behind the 2014 coup).

เดินไล่ตู่(‘march to remove Tu’)

Riot police fired rubber bullets and tear gas at anti-government protesters in Bangkok yesterday, in the first clashes between police and protesters this year. A few hundred people marched from Democracy Monument to Victory Monument yesterday afternoon, in an event promoted online as เดินไล่ตู่ (‘march to remove Tu’, a reference to Prime Minister and coup leader Prayut Chan-o-cha).

Most of the protesters had dispersed by the early evening, though some stragglers (a hard core of around fifty people) attempted to make their way to the PM’s residence at the military barracks on Viphavadi Rangsit Road. They threw fireworks and other projectiles at riot police, who responded with rubber bullets and tear gas. A police pickup truck was also set alight.

Last night’s events were an echo of similar clashes that took place on multiple occasions last year, including almost daily street battles at Viphavadi Rangsit Road last August. Police fired rubber bullets against anti-Prayut protesters on 28th February; 20th March; 2nd May; 18th July; 7th, 10th, 11th, 13th, and 15th August; and 14th November 2021.

Keep in the Dark

Tawan Wattuya’s new exhibition Keep in the Dark features watercolour portraits of pro-democracy protesters and campaigners who have been jailed or abducted, including Panusaya Sithjirawattanakul (Rung), Arnon Nampa (Lawyer Anon), and Porlajee Rakchongcharoen (Billy), among many others. The first work in the exhibition is a portrait of Prayut Chan-o-cha, titled I ____ Too: the missing word is ‘hear’, a pun on the protest chant “ai hia Tu”. (Ai hia is a suitably strong insult, and Tu is Prayut’s nickname.) The work that gives the exhibition its title, Keep in the Dark, shows the announcement of Prayut’s 2014 coup.

The lavish exhibition catalogue comes with three postcards, and includes an essay by curator Kritsada Duchsadeevanich outlining Thailand’s recurring political crisis: “Young people take to the streets demanding political transformation. Those in power use brute force to suppress the young protesters mercilessly.” Keep in the Dark opened on 14th October at Silpakorn University Art Centre in Bangkok, and runs until 27th November. Tawan’s previous exhibitions include Amnesia, which coincided with the publication of his monograph Works 2009–2019.

New Abnormal

In a series of static shots and long takes, Sorayos Prapapan’s satirical short film New Abnormal (ผิดปกติใหม่) takes aim at Prayut Chan-o-cha and his mishandling of the coronavirus pandemic. In one sequence, a paramedic reveals the scale of the problem: “It’s already mid-2021, our country’s people is still only less than 10% vaccinated.” Sadly and shamefully, the statistic is accurate.

Another scene eavesdrops on a meeting between Prayut, deputy PM Prawit Wongsuwon, and a civil servant. When the bureaucrat asks about bailouts for businesses affected by the lockdown, an irritable Prayut barks back: “Why do you always hand me problems? It’s tiring enough acting as Prime Minister, you know!” Meanwhile, Prawit remains slumped in his chair, fast asleep (as is often the case in parliament). Prayut is played by Phayao Nimma, who also portrayed the PM in The Cave (นางนอน); in the credits, he’s described as “Stupid Prime minister who did coup” [sic].

The film ends with a recreation of an anti-government protest (on a small scale, given the low budget), which is dispersed by riot police with water cannon, tear gas, and rubber bullets (the latter heard but not seen). In the last shot, wisps of tear gas swirl slowly around a solitary rubber duck. The end-credits song is an anti-government anthem based on the Hamtaro (とっとこハム太郎) anime theme tune.

Sorayos’s equally satirical Prelude of the Moving Zoo premiered at ANIMAL KINgDOM last year, as did his documentary Yellow Duck Against Dictatorship. His parody Dossier of the Dossier (เอกสารประกอบการตัดสินใจ) was shown at the 30th Singapore International Film Festival, and his comedy Auntie Maam Has Never Had a Passport (ดาวอินดี้) played at the 18th Thai Short Film and Video Festival (เทศกาลภาพยนตร์สั้น ครั้งที่ 18).

“We will defeat General Prayut...”

Riot police have fired rubber bullets at anti-government protesters in Bangkok for the fourth time this week. As on previous occasions, this evening’s clashes took place at Sam Liam Din Daeng, when protesters were blocked by shipping containers from reaching Prayut Chan-o-cha’s residence. A relatively small group of protesters threw small explosives (including fireworks) at police, who deployed rubber bullets, tear gas, and water cannon to disperse them.

Today’s main rally was a Car Mob event organised by Sombat Boonngamanong and red-shirt leader Nattawut Saikuar, though the stragglers at Din Daeng were not part of this event. Once clashes between demonstrators and police began, Nattawut left the Car Mob to urge the protesters to leave, saying: “We will not try to defeat riot police. We will defeat General Prayut.” Riot police also fired rubber bullets at the same spot on 10th, 11th, and 13th August, and they have now been used on ten occasions this year.

“The Prime Minister.Show a bit of respect...”

Tom Waller’s The Cave (นางนอน), based on the true story of last year’s miraculous cave rescue, opened in cinemas this week. The film sticks solidly to the facts, with several key participants playing themselves. It’s tense and dramatic, and begins in medias res: the very first line of dialogue is “Let’s go to the cave.” There’s a moment of Ace in the Hole-style social commentary — a vendor selling lottery tickets at the cave entrance — though one scene stands out as comic relief: the arrival of the Prime Minister, played by Phayao Nimma.

Before the PM appears, he’s formally announced — “The Prime Minister. Show a bit of respect, guys.” — though while he was on-screen, there were chuckles from the cinema audience. The character has a close physical likeness to Prayut Chan-o-cha, and he serves no purpose other than to give gift baskets to the divers. He also uses broken English (like Prayut himself), telling one diver: “Oh! You marry her, visa no problem.”

The Cave is one of only a handful of films to feature Thai Prime Ministers, due to censorship of political content and public apathy towards politics. A biopic of Plaek Phibunsongkhram was abandoned in 1988 due to a lawsuit from his estate. Similarly, a Sarit Thanarat biopic — provisionally titled จอมพล (‘marshal’) — was vetoed by the censors in 2002. Sarit did feature briefly in the horror movie Zee Oui: The Man-Eater (ซี-อุย), ordering the swift execution of Zee Oui for political expediency.

Pen-ek Ratanaruang’s documentary Paradoxocracy (ประชาธิป’ไทย) discusses Thaksin Shinawatra, and the film’s distributor asked the director incredulously: “How can you put a film with Thaksin in the cinema?” Sulak Sivaraksa makes a similar point in the documentary itself, saying: “Your movie shouldn’t waste too much time on Thaksin.” (That line received applause at cinema screenings.)

In Ing K.’s banned Shakespeare Must Die (เชคสเปียร์ต้องตาย), Macbeth is reimagined as a Thaksin-like figure, and the similarity is noted self-referentially when a policeman says: “Your actor looks like our Dear Leader. Is this intentional?” Wisit Sasanatieng’s The Red Eagle (อินทรีแดง) features a Prime Minister who abandons his principles once he assumes office, reneging on a pre-election pledge to ban nuclear power. In a Bangkok Post interview, Wisit claimed that he “didn’t set out to criticise any particular prime minister... I only want to mock those who began as good guys fighting for the poor, then, like Darth Vader, they become villains once they have power.” But that sounds awfully like a description of Thaksin.

The disaster movie Death Wave (13-04-2022 วันโลกสังหาร) features Thailand’s most ludicrous cinematic Prime Minister, portrayed as a holier-than-thou figure who selflessly sacrifices his career for the greater good: “the lives and safety of my people are more valuable than my assumed position... I’m willing to lose everything in exchange for the lives of my people.” He even becomes an action hero, rescuing a busload of drowning children while a news reporter praises “our Prime Minister’s fearless courage.” Needless to say, that PM was entirely fictional.

“Everything stays the same...”

Coup leader Prayut Chan-o-cha was confirmed as Thai Prime Minister again last night, after he received a total of 500 votes from MPs and senators. Thanathorn Juangroongruangkit, leader of the progressive Future Forward party, gained 244 votes. Prayut’s second term was never in any real doubt, as he could count on the votes of the 250 senators he had appointed. (The democratic 1997 constitution introduced a fully elected Senate, though it was only 50% elected following the military’s 2007 constitution. After Prayut’s 2014 coup, the latest charter allowed the junta to appoint every senator.)

Rapper Liberate P released the single 250 Authority yesterday, as an instant commentary on Prayut’s return to the premiership. The lyrics include insults directed at the senators — “พวกมึงแต่ละตัวแม่งเหี้ย” (‘each one of you is a fucking asshole’) — and the song ends with a pun on Prayut’s name. Liberate P also appeared on the similar Rap Against Dictatorship single 250 Bootlickers (250 สอพลอ), released before the election.

Prayut was nominated as Prime Minister by the pro-military Palang Pracharath Party, though they lost the 24th March election, with 97 constituency MPs. Pheu Thai won the highest number of parliamentary seats, 136, though they lacked an overall majority. The new constitution supplemented the ‘first past the post’ system with an element of proportional representation, though incredibly the Election Commission only confirmed its seat-allocation formula after the election had taken place. Following an unprecedented delay, the official results were announced six weeks after the election.

As expected, the Commission’s calculations favoured minor parties at the expense of Pheu Thai. Immediately after the election, Pheu Thai, Future Forward, and five smaller parties signed up for an anti-Prayut alliance of 246 MPs, just shy of a parliamentary majority. Meanwhile, the PPRP joined with ten single-seat micro-parties and others to form a pro-military group of 150 MPs. Pressure to join the PPRP coalition was intense: one Future Forward politician, for example, revealed that he had been offered ฿120 million to switch sides.

Two medium-sized parties, the Democrats and Bhumjaithai, played hard to get, declaring their support for the PPRP only one day before the prime ministerial vote. This gave the PPRP a last-minute total of 254 seats, a slim majority. Abhisit Vejjajiva, former prime minister and Democrat leader, resigned as an MP in protest at his party supporting Prayut. (During the election campaign, he had pledged to oppose Prayut’s candidacy, though after the election his party voted to break that commitment.)

Speaking to reporters today, Prayut said: “Everything stays the same.” After overthrowing a democratic government and being appointed Prime Minister by his hand-picked National Legislative Assembly, he has now been reappointed thanks to a rubber-stamp Senate and an acquiescent Election Commission. Prayut has ensured that, as so often in Thailand’s past, the military will dominate national politics for the foreseeable future.

Thailand Casino

Anonymous street artist Headache Stencil's exhibition Thailand Casino opened on 24th February at WTF Gallery, and runs until 31st March. It includes Beautiful 6th Oct, a stencil of the vigilante from Neal Ulevich's famous photograph showing the lynching of a student on 6th October 1976. Most provocatively, "Y" Card depicts the king of spades playing card with the face of coup leader and current Prime Minister Prayut Chan-o-cha.

The exhibition's centrepiece is an installation featuring busts of Prayut and former PM Thaksin Shinawatra playing a high-stakes poker game for the future of Thailand. The installation is replete with symbolic references to the country's political, royal, and military power structures. Prayut is concealing the four of clubs and four of spades, a reference to his unlimited authority under article 44. The cards on the table include the nine of clubs (Rama IX) and ten of hearts (Rama X).

Behind Thaksin's bust is 8th Feb '19, a calendar marking the extraordinary day when one of Thaksin's proxy parties nominated Prince Ubolratana as its candidate for prime minister in the upcoming election. Prayut's backdrop is a map of Thailand featuring the word โกง ('cheat'). Merchandise on sale at the gallery includes the election campaign slogan "STOP DICTATORSHIP", though as the exhibition makes clear, the game is rigged: while Thaksin has more chips (indicating his personal wealth), Prayut has numerous hidden cards.

Internet Universality Beyond Words

Internet Universality Beyond Words features a handful of videos and installations commenting on internet freedom in Thailand. The mini exhibition opened on 28th September at Thailand Creative and Design Center’s new Bangkok premises, the converted Grand Postal Building, and runs until 14th October. (TCDC moved from its smaller Emporium location last year.)

The centrepiece is Watch!, a dramatic paper sculpture by Wee Viraporn. From a distance, it’s a pixelated representation of Prayut Chan-o-cha’s eyes, implying that the Prime Minister is monitoring Thai citizens online. On closer inspection, each pixel is a cube featuring pictures of Thai military and junta controversies, such as the GT200 corruption scandal and the cover of Time’s 2nd July issue (a Prayut interview that the magazine’s distributors withheld from Thailand).

The most interesting work is much less conspicuous: a video playing on an iPhone. This short film, by Tewprai Bualoi, is a montage of online memes taken from cartoons and news clips, and even its title is a meme: Friendship Ended with Mudasir Now Salman Is My Best Friend (มิตรภาพสิ้นสุดกับ Mudasir ตอนนี้ Salman คือเพื่อนที่ดีที่สุดของฉัน).

Tewprai’s film uses codes and metaphors that refer to the 6th October 1976 massacre. A photo of director Nawapol Thamrongrattanarit, the Red Bull logo, and the Scout emblem refer respectively to Nawaphon, the Red Gaurs, and the Village Scouts (the three militia groups that instigated the violence). It also includes a clip from The Simpsons (broadcast on 1st December 1996) of Bart hitting Homer with a chair, in reference to Neal Ulevich’s photograph of a man preparing to attack a corpse in the same way. There are also split-second shots of the gate in Nakhon Pathom from which two pro-democracy activists were hanged.

“We have prepared article 44...”

Prime Minister Prayut has asked the King to authorise the cessation of martial law. The law has been in place since 20th May last year, when Prayut imposed it unilaterally. At the time, Prayut told the public that “[t]he invocation of martial law is not a coup d’etat”, though two days later he launched a full-scale coup. Prayut’s declaration of nationwide martial law was unconstitutional, as a royal decree was not issued and the constitution authorised the military to declare martial law only “in a certain locality as a matter of urgency” (article 188).

Yesterday, Prayut announced that he was ready to exercise his authority according to article 44 of the interim constitution: “We have prepared article 44 and will use it soon”. Article 44 states: “NCPO Announcements and Orders... shall be all deemed lawful, constitutional and final”. The withdrawal of martial law is therefore largely symbolic, as the interim constitution gives Prayut the power to act without any checks or balances.

Former politicians are becoming increasingly vocal in challenging some of the junta’s actions, and the Pheu Thai and Democrat opposition parties are both calling for a referendum on the next constitution. (A referendum was held in 2007, though this time the junta has made no such commitment.) In a 9th March interview with the Bangkok Post, former PM Abhisit Vejjajiva directly criticised a proposal to enable the PM to dissolve parliament if it rejected a government bill: “This is a step backward for democracy. It will snatch democracy away from the people”.

The Thai political situation was effectively summarised in a cartoon by Heng Kim Song published in the International New York Times on 2nd March. Thailand is depicted as a car heading for a metaphorical cliff, and the military’s promise of the sunlit uplands of democracy is presented as a deceptive illusion.

“I’m not concerned about the three-finger salute...”

This week, there has been a new wave of protests against the coup, inspired by the release of the film The Hunger Games: Mockingjay Part I. The three-finger salute used in the film, and other activities such as eating sandwiches and reading George Orwell’s 1984, have been adopted as protest symbols by those opposed to military rule.

After the 22nd May coup, protests at Victory Monument were tolerated for a week or so, before a police and military crackdown began. Then, opponents of the coup turned to symbolic acts such as the Hunger Games salute, though even these acts resulted in arrests.

By June, police were being stationed at Victory Monument, Siam Paragon, and other Bangkok venues to pre-empt any possible protests. This, coupled with the detention of critics of the junta, effectively ended the protests, and the anti-coup movement apparently dissipated. Since then, the junta has implemented various popular policies, such as banning vendors from some streets and beaches (though this is similar to the ‘Mussolini made the trains run on time’ argument: efficiency is no substitute for democracy).

However, the release this week of the latest Hunger Games film has revived the anti-coup protests, and police were again stationed at Siam Paragon. Five students were arrested on 19th November after they gave the three-finger salute during a speech by PM and coup leader Prayut Chan-o-cha. Several other students were arrested yesterday outside two Bangkok cinemas, on the day the new film was released. When asked about the arrested protesters today, Prayut said: “I’m not concerned about the three-finger salute. I don’t know whether it’s illegal or not, but it could jeopardise their futures.”

Thailand is currently under martial law. However, the anti-coup protesters have all been released without charge, suggesting that their actions are not illegal, and their arrests are therefore intended to intimidate pro-democracy activists.

Prime Minister Prayut

Prayut Chan-o-cha, the leader of this year’s coup, was appointed Prime Minister yesterday. The National Legislative Assembly voted 191-0 in favour of Prayut’s appointment. There were no alternative candidates, no dissenting votes, and Prayut was not present to accept the nomination.

The result was hardly surprising, as most NLA members are military officers and all were chosen by Prayut’s junta. Earlier this week, the Assembly approved the junta’s budget proposal by a vote of 183-0, again without any dissenting votes. It’s clear that the NLA is merely a rubber-stamp legislature, with no inclination or ability to challenge Prayut.

“Amnesty shall be granted to NCPO and NCPO leaders...”

In June, National Council for Peace and Order leader Prayut Chan-o-cha announced his three-step pathway to a new election following this year’s coup. Now it seems that the country has entered the second phase of Prayut’s plan, as anti-coup protests have fizzled out and the NCPO has begun establishing an interim government.

The prospect of military detention and court martial has successfully deterred any anti-coup activity, and even symbolic protests have now stopped. Instead of promoting reconciliation, police encouraged people to submit photographs of protesters, for a ฿500 reward. After the last protest, on 8th June, the deputy police chief claimed that the protesters “are causing damage to our country... They are creating a bad image for the foreigners.”

A propaganda campaign to ‘bring back happiness’ has been launched by the military, with free entertainment being provided in partnership with the private sector. Thousands of free tickets to see the patriotic film The Legend Of King Naresuan V (ตำนานสมเด็จพระนเรศวรมหาราช ภาค ๕ ยุทธหัตถี) were distributed on 15th June. (Cinemas were required to install CCTV cameras to record and identify any patrons who left the screenings early.) Rights-holder RS was persuaded to allow World Cup football matches to be broadcast on the army’s terrestrial television channels 5 and 7. Prayut has issued a list of twelve values that children should uphold; incredibly, one of these values is: “Correct understanding of democracy”.

In another PR exercise, army spokesman Weerachon Sukhonthapatiphak gave a press conference at the Foreign Correspondents’ Club in Bangkok on 11th June, euphemistically describing the military takeover as an “intervention” rather than a coup. He insisted that people were “invited”, rather than detained, by the military; implausibly, he claimed that former PM Yingluck “was free to go back home on the same day.” After publisher Thanapol Eawsakul’s detention, a colonel explained that they would “interrogate him and re-adjust his attitude”, in contrast to the rosy picture painted by Weerachon. Some detainees have even accused the army of torture.

To demonstrate its commitment to the country’s administration, the NCPO has already allocated billions of baht to pay for new policies and infrastructure projects. The first of these was a pledge to reimburse the farmers who had not been paid following Yingluck Shinawatra’s rice subsidy scheme. The NCPO also announced transportation megaprojects, including two high-speed train lines. When Yingluck proposed a similar plan, with almost exactly the same budget, it was vetoed by the Constitutional Court, which ruled that high-speed rail was not necessary in Thailand. Yet the NCPO’s almost identical proposal has attracted no such criticism.

Martial law also precludes any debate on the NCPO’s interim constitution, which was published on 22nd July. The constitution includes an amnesty for the coup leaders, as did the 2007 charter: “Amnesty shall be granted to NCPO and NCPO leaders, as well as individuals who take part in or conduct actions related to taking control over state administration” (article 48). When Yingluck proposed a political amnesty last year, she was criticised by all sides, triggering the People’s Democratic Reform Council protest, though there has been no criticism of the military’s amnesty. The constitution also states: “NCPO Announcements and Orders... shall be all deemed lawful, constitutional and final” (article 44), effectively giving the junta absolute power.

The National Legislative Assembly, appointed by the NCPO, held its first session on 7th August. 105 of its 200 members are serving or retired military officers. Next week, the NLA will vote for a prime minister, and Prayut is widely expected to be chosen.

The Bangkok Post’s military reporter, Wassana Nanuam, is known for her high-placed sources, though maintaining this access to top-level military personnel also risks compromising her objectivity. She wrote an especially obsequious article on 19th June, almost begging Prayut to become PM: “Confidence in Gen. Prayut is overwhelming. Many Thais think we are in dire need of a strong, decisive leader... In their view, Gen Prayut is a hero who has freed the country from its troubles.” As is the case with the lèse-majesté law, absolute censorship means that only hagiography is permitted.

คืนความสุข ให้คนในชาติ

Following last month's coup, the military has begun a PR campaign to promote reconciliation. Army chief Prayut Chan-o-cha is hosting a weekly television address called คืนความสุข ให้คนในชาติ, broadcast on all channels each Friday evening. (He has even written a propaganda song, titled คืนความสุขให้ประเทศไทย, in which he pledges to "bring happiness back to Thailand".)

In his first programme, broadcast last Friday, Prayut devoted most of his speech to a justification of martial law and its various restrictions: "The invocation of martial law, the highest security law, was necessary... We have to strictly enforce the curfew... It was necessary for us to request that certain officials 'report' to the officials... Regarding the prevention of political gatherings of more than five people, this is also necessary... There are reasons why some of the media have to be temporarily suspended." He also outlined his three-step plan for the country's political future: reconciliation, a new constitution (with no mention of a referendum, unlike 2007), and finally an election to be held after a year or more.

In the second programme, broadcast yesterday, Prayut began with a remarkable piece of Orwellian doublethink: "There were many reasons why it was necessary for the NCPO to take control of national administration. The most important is because we respect democracy." Later, however, he reverted to the standard rhetoric of the anti-Thaksin movement: "We understand that we are living in a democratic world, but is Thailand ready? Are Thai people ready?"

Demonstrations against the coup were initially tolerated, though soldiers are now being deployed at likely venues to pre-empt any further protests. Critics of the coup are now using symbolic, less overt tactics, such as a three-finger salute (adopted from The Hunger Games), reading George Orwell's novel 1984, or eating sandwiches, though even these innocuous acts have resulted in arrests. Meanwhile, the military's summonses are continuing, and over 300 people have now reported for questioning and possible detention for up to seven days.

Quote of the day...

Since the coup, Prayut Chan-o-cha has delivered a weekly address each Friday evening, titled คืนความสุข ให้คนในชาติ (‘returning happiness to the Thai people’) and broadcast on all channels. Tonight, he began with a remarkable piece of Orwellian doublethink, claiming that he orchestrated the coup because “we respect democracy.”

In another memorable quote, last year Prayut dismissed criticism surrounding the GT200. Previous quotes of the day: an Election Commissioner agued against an election, hypocrisy from Suthep Thaugsuban, a yellow-shirt leader said that Thailand should be more like North Korea, the Information and Communication Technology Minister openly admitted to violating the Computer Crime Act, and a Ministry of Culture official patronised Thai filmgoers.

National Council for Peace and Order

Two days after the most recent Thai coup, more details have emerged about the moments before the coup took place. On 22nd May, during the negotiations organised following the declaration of martial law, army chief Prayut Chan-o-cha repeatedly asked representatives of the caretaker cabinet if they would be prepared to resign. When they refused to do so, Prayut suspended the meeting and declared the coup.

More than 100 politicians, journalists, and academics have been ordered to report to the military or face arrest. Also, the official name of the group of coup leaders has been changed: they are now known as the National Council for Peace and Order (instead of the National Peace and Order Maintaining Council).

Opposition to the coup has been more noticeable than in 2006, and some token arrests have been made. Demonstrations at Victory Monument in Bangkok attracted several hundred protesters yesterday and today, in defiance of the military’s ban on gatherings of five or more people.